Feature 2314 · Citation-year markers

1, which probably does not vary much from country to country as culture does. In particular, the continuity hypothesis postulates that the content of everyday dreams reflects the dreamer's waking states and concerns. In other words, elements from people's dreams can be related to corresponding waking or psychological variables. Research findings have revealed that the occurrence of recurrent dreams, nightmares and unpleasant everyday dreams is related to one's psychological well-being. Further data demonstrates that the dream reports of people suffering from certain psychopathologies can differ from those of normal control subjects (Kramer, 2000; Schredl & Engelhardt, 2001), and that certain personality dimensions such as extroversion, neuroticism, and psychological boundaries are extensively associated to dream content. ¶ In addition, dreams have considerable consistency across time and countries because they express personal interests, worries and emotional preoccupations about family, friends, social life, recreational interests, and relationships at work.

2<bos>Freud defines impulses as products of two competing forces: the pleasure principle and the reality principle. These two forces clash because impulses encourage action without any premeditated thought or deliberation and little regard to consequences, compromising the role of the reality principle. Impulses are often difficult for the mind to overcome because they hold anticipated pleasurable experiences. Freud emphasizes the importance of the development of impulse control because it is socially necessary and human civilization would fail without it. If an individual lacks sufficient impulse control, it represents a defect of repression that may lead to severe psychosocial problems (Kipnis 1971; Reich 1925; Winshie 1977). ¶ == Development of the Reality Principle == ¶ The ability to control impulses and delay gratification is one of the hallmarks of a mature personality and the result of a thriving reality principle. Throughout childhood, children learn how to control their urges and behave in ways that are socially appropriate. Researchers

3<bos>The Net is particularly suited to the development of multiple weak ties (Castells, 1999), thus expanding sociability beyond the socially defined boundaries of self-recognition. Internet supports weak ties between individuals, which can the foundation for bridging social capital (Ellison, Steinfieldm, Lampe, 2007). Resnick (2001) suggests that with the help of new technologies (e.g. distribution lists, photo directories, search) new forms of social capital occurs in online social network sites. Ellison, Steinfield and Lampe (2007) suggest that intensity of Facebook use is positively associated with individuals’ perceived bridging social capital: for undergraduate students there is a “strong association between use of Facebook and the three types of social capital, with the strongest relationship being to bridging social capital. ¶ According to Williams (2006), because low costs of communication, there might be more of

4af are foundations that ought accompany a politics of friendships[8]. This friendship, one would hope, is one that would be predicated on a paradoxical stance of unconditional hospitality conditional on the sharing of similar ethical and political commitments to someone else. This represents a similar call to what Richard JF Day says when he writes – in line with other scholars – on the “need to guide our relations with other communities according to the interlocking ethical and political commitments of groundless solidarity and infinite responsibility” towards constructing new types of communities (2005: 18, 186–202; Braidotti, 2002; Haraway, 1991; Elam, 1994; Feinberg, 1998; Agamben, 1993). This paradoxical stance of unconditional hospitality that is still conditional, undeniably and undoubtedly, is difficult due to the process of precisely figuring out

5is unique to each village” (1999: 80). Nation-States, then, demand a certain war of maneuver, or war of positions, by identity groups (be they indigenous groups, women, the poor, or students and who want change on behalf of a larger or more diverse constituency and bearing in mind the limitations of essentialist identity politics) in their demand for sets of rights, grievances, and recognition. After all, nation-States limit possibilities for achieving demands by minorities by transforming their demands to struggles that are endlessly fought for through a “politics of recognition” (Coulthard, 2008; Taylor, 1992; Fanon, 1967), and even pitting minorities oppressed against each other. Minorities need to resort to each other as opposed to submitting to the paternalism of the nation-State whose role, in reality, is to play the function of an untrusted

6frequency and the manner in which partners express jealousy. ¶ == After love == ¶ After dissolution of important romantic relationships people usually go though separation anxiety and grieving. Grief is a very important process because it allows for the acceptance of loss and makes it easier to move on. During this process people tend to use different strategies to cope. Securely attached individuals tend to look for support, which is the most effective coping strategy. Avoidantly attached individuals tend to devalue the relationships and to withdraw. Anxiously attached individuals are more likely to use emotionally focused coping strategies and pay more attention to the experienced distress (Pistole, 1996). After the end of the relationships securely attached individuals tend to have more positive overall emotional experience than insecurely attached individuals (Pistole, 1995). ¶ == Homosexual relationships == ¶ Ridge & Feeney (1998) have studied a group of gay and lesbians in Australian universities.

7<bos>System level simulation. ¶ System level modeling. ¶ Agent-based simulation. ¶ Agent-based modeling. ¶ A social simulation may fall within the rubric of computational sociology which is a recently developed branch of sociology that uses computation to analyze social phenomena. The basic premise of computational sociology is to take advantage of computer simulations ( Polhill & Edmonds 2007) in the construction of social theories. It involves the understanding of social agents, the interaction among these agents, and the effect of these interactions on the social aggregate. Although the subject matter and methodologies in social science differ from those in natural science or computer science, several of the approaches used in contemporary social simulation originated from fields such as physics and artificial intelligence. ¶ == System Level Simulation == ¶ System Level Simulation (SLS) is the oldest level of social simulation. System level simulation looks at the situation as a whole. This theoretical outlook on social situations uses a wide range of information to determine what

8, informational capitalism, postindustrial society, transnational network capitalism, postmodern society, etc. show that there is a vivid discussion in contemporary sociology on the character of contemporary society and the role that technologies, information, communication, and co-operation play in it. Information society theory discusses the role of information and information technology in society, the question which key concepts shall be used for characterizing contemporary society, and how to define such concepts. It has become a specific branch of contemporary sociology. ¶ == Second and third nature == ¶ As mentioned earlier an information society is the means of getting information from one place to another (Wark, 1997, p. 22). As technology has become more advanced over time so too has the way we have adapted in sharing this information with each other. ¶ "Second nature" refers a group of experiences that get made over by culture (Wark, 1997, p. 23).

9<bos>Mother and child "It is by no means free of limitations (see Lamb, Thompson, Gardener, Charnov & Estes, 1984). To begin with, it is very dependent on brief separations and reunions having the same meaning for all children. This maybe a major constraint when applying the procedure in cultures, such as that in Japan (see Miyake et al.,, 1985), where infants are rarely separated from their mothers in ordinary circumstances. Also, because older children have a cognitive capacity to maintain relationships when the older person is not present, separation may not provide the same stress for them. Modified procedures based on the Strange Situation have been developed for older preschool children (see Belsky et al., 1994; Greenberg et al., 1990) but it is much more dubious whether the same approach can be used in middle childhood. Also, despite its manifest strengths, the procedure is

10reasoning or as means for a joke'. ¶ As well as dream-work and jokes, Freud considered that 'it is an inherent characteristic in the psychology of the obsessional neurotic to make the fullest possible use of the mechanism of displacement...especially apt to become displaced on to what is most insignificant and small'. ¶ Subsequently, 'it was above all in the process of refining the analysis of the transference during treatment and its different manifestations — lateral, indirect, and direct transference (Freud, 1915a; Sándor Ferenczi, 1909/1994; Michel Neyraut, 1974) — that the notion of displacement was expanded'. ¶ == The psychoanalytic mainstream == ¶ Arguably, while generally accepted in the wake of Freud, 'the notion of displacement did not see much further development' in the psychoanalytic mainstream. Otto Fenichel highlighted the displacement of affect, pointing out that '

11time. Early in his career, Jung studied with Sigmund Freud and was thought to possibly succeed Freud as the leading promoter of Freud’s brand of psychoanalysis. Later in his career Jung’s thinking diverged significantly from Freudian psychology in ways that are directly relevant to the concept of the inferior function. Jung viewed human personality from a broad perspective, so his system for understanding individual differences and similarities is complex. Jung saw the human psyche as containing everything necessary to grow, adapt, and heal itself. He believed that people were capable of directing their own personality development and benefiting from both positive and negative life experiences (Quenk 2002). ¶ In his studies, Carl Jung divided the psyche into the unconscious and the conscious minds. Freud viewed the unconscious as containing the Id, the Superego and the Ego, whereas Jung developed a different model. He described the unconscious as consisting of two major components: the Personal Unconscious and the Collective Unconscious

12self. Freud argues that much of our psychic energy is devoted either to finding acceptable expressions of unconscious ideas or to keeping them unconscious. Freud constructed his concept of the unconscious from analysis of slips of the tongue, dreams, neuroses, psychoses, works of art and rituals (Pervin & Oliver 1997). In psychoanalytic theory, mental life is divided into three levels of awareness. The largest portion of the mind is formed by the unconscious system and only a very small part by the conscious. The preconscious-system stands like a partition screen between the unconscious-system and consciousness. (Ekstrom 2004). The conscious mind is like the tip of an iceberg, with its greatest part - the unconscious - submerged. Psychoanalytic theory is fundamentally a motivational theory of human behaviour and Freud claimed that "psychoanalysis aims at and achieves nothing more than the discovery of the unconscious in mental life" (Cited in: Perv

13adal)” leading the discussion to be carried out “in a contentious manner in order to gain the upper hand” over someone else (Al-awani, 1993: 12). In this case, argumentations involve an individual’s dereliction in commitment to warding off their ego, or what Deleuze and Guattari call micro-fascisms and that exist in each and everyone of us because of the privileges that we enjoy in relation to each other be they along the lines of class, race, age, gender, sexuality and ability etc (Deleuze & Guattari, 1980: 279). It’s a circumstance where the self is seeking praise or is being ambitious, neglecting the exercise of humility towards oneself and in relation to someone else (Spinoza, 1949: 173). The whole point of a disagreement becomes the forcing of someone else to

14quo bias can also be a rational route if there are cognitive or informational limitations. ¶ Decision outcomes are rarely certain, nor is the utility they may bring. Because some errors are more costly than others (Haselton & Nettle, 2006), sticking with what worked in the past is a safe option, as long as previous decisions are ‘‘good enough’'. ¶ Choice is often difficult, and decision makers may prefer to do nothing and ⁄ or to maintain their current course of action because it is easier. Status quo alternatives often require less mental effort to maintain (Eidelman & Crandall, 2009). ¶ == Irrational Routes to the Status Quo Bias == ¶ The irrational maintenance of the status quo bias links and confounds many cognitive biases. ¶ An assumption of longevity and goodness are part of the status quo bias. People treat existence as a prima facie case for goodness, aesthetic and Longevity increases this preference

15<bos>A fourth category termed disorganized attachment (Main & Solomon, 1990) was subsequently identified and empiricized when a sizeable number of infants defied classification in terms of Ainsworth's original tripartite classification scheme. It can be conceptualized as the lack of a coherent 'organized' behavioral strategy for dealing with the stresses (i.e., the strange room, the stranger, and the comings and goings of the caregiver) of the Strange Situation Procedure. Evidence from Main et al. has suggested that children with disorganized attachment may experience their caregivers as either frightening or frightened. A frightened caregiver is alarming to the child, who uses social referencing techniques such as checking the adult's facial expression to ascertain whether a situation is safe. A frightening caregiver is usually so via aggressive behaviors towards the child (either mild or direct physical/sexual behaviors) and puts the child in a dilemma which Main and colleagues have called 'fear without solution.' In other words

16<bos>closer to a goal. There is no goal. The field continues, and in continuing it deepens, but the deepening is recursivity rather than progress toward an endpoint. It is recursivity: each return to the field is different because the field has been transformed by the breaking and gathering that occurred between returns (Hui, 2019, pp. 1-30). Gilles Deleuze’s concept of the “eternal return” – reinterpreted not as Nietzsche’s cosmological doctrine but as a structural feature of creative becoming – illuminates this non-progressive temporality. The eternal return, on Deleuze’s reading, is not the repetition of the same but the return of difference. Each return is selective: only what affirms becoming returns, and it returns transformed by the affirmation. The field’s relay is a creative return: each generation returns to the

17power? The objection. Asymmetrical reciprocity sounds benign in the abstract, but most asymmetrical relations in the actual world are relations of exploitation. Care work — the work of children, elders, the sick — is already “asymmetrical reciprocity” in the sense that one party gives care and the other receives it, and this asymmetry is the primary structure through which women are exploited worldwide. Feminist political economy has demonstrated that the devalua- tion of care is not incidental to capitalism but fundamental to it: the unwaged labor of so- cial reproduction makes waged labor possible (Federici, 2004, pp. 63–88). Co-witnessing, in proposing asymmetry as an ethical condition, risks sanctifying the very structure that feminist critique has identified as the engine of gendered exploitation. Response, first move: structural versus social asymmetry. The asymmetry of co-witnessing

18The Anthropocene confronts human civilization with emergencies that demand response rather than deferral. Rising temperatures, mass extinction, ocean acidification, and the cascading effects of ecological collapse operate on timelines that make the Long Now seem like a luxury. Indigenous activists, climate scientists, and frontline communities have insisted – correctly – that “we do not have time” for gradual approaches, that the window for meaningful action is closing, that urgency is not a choice but a condition of the present. This urgency is real, and any ethics that denies it abandons the living to their fate (Stengers, 2015, pp. 1-20). The field does not deny this urgency. What the field denies is the eschatological framing that makes urgency politically and ethically self-defeating. The urgency of the climate crisis is the urgency of a specific, concrete situation that re- quires specific,

19offers meaning, direction, and the catharsis of ultimate struggle. To fight for the revolution is to know that one’s suffer- ing has a point, that history bends toward justice, that the defeats of the present will be redeemed in the triumph of the future. The eschatological subject is never without mean- ing because meaning is guaranteed by the structure of the narrative: present suffering, future redemption, the heroism of those who struggle on the right side of history. To refuse eschatology is to give up this narrative, and the loss is real (Stengers, 2015, pp. 33- 52). The refusal of eschatology is patience rather than cynicism – a virtue that Western political philosophy has largely forgotten because patience has no place in the eschatolog- ical frame. Patience appears as surrender, as quietism, as the consolation of those who

20<bos>networks sustained cross-border transfers for millennia without legal enforcement, rely- ing on the social costs of reputation damage Ballard (2005). African ROSCAs continue to operate in diaspora communities where formal banking is available, suggesting that their persistence is explained by their effectiveness, not by the absence of alternatives Ardener and Burman (1995). Historical evidence does not eliminate the free-rider problem; it demonstrates that the problem is manageable under specific social conditions. Response, second move: game-theoretic transformation. The cluster’s face-to-face structure trans- forms the interaction from a prisoner’s dilemma into an assurance game. The cluster pro- vides assurance: the face-to-face context makes labor visible, the regular meetings create opportunities for social monitoring, and the small size ensures that free-riding would be noticed quickly. The cluster member who claims silences

21<bos>the organization of space encodes and reproduces power relations (Massey, 2005, pp. 81– 89). The platform intensifies these powergeometries by rendering them measurable: the gig economy channels women into domestic service, algorithms show men high-paying jobs and women low-paying ones, social networks subject women to harassment while extracting their relational labor. Silvia Federici’s analysis of “reproductive labor” pushes the analysis to its root. Capitalism has always depended on the uncompensated labor of reproduction — the bearing and raising of children, household maintenance, the care of the sick and elderly, the emotional labor that sustains the capacity for waged labor (Fed- erici, 2004, pp. 62–82). This labor is not merely unpaid; it is rendered invisible by the cate- gories through which economic value is measured. Reproductive

22The Zapatistas respond to emergencies – paramilitary incursions, state violence, ecological threats – with immedi- ate, coordinated action. But the overall movement practices caminar preguntando: walk- ing while asking. The emergency response is embedded within a larger practice of pa- tient, questioning movement. The Zapatistas distinguish the immediate threat from the apocalypse: they respond to the one while continuing the other. This is urgency without eschatology: the capacity to act immediately when necessary without losing the tempo- ral orientation of the Long Now Marcos (2001), Esteva (2014). The field’s capacity for emergency response is proportional to its investment in daily maintenance. The cluster that meets weekly, maintains its Dirham ledger, tends its garden, and repairs its roof has the relational infrastructure to respond collectively when threatened. The cluster that exists only in moments of crisis has no

23M-based evaluations, the agent’s own self-observation— each produce a potentially different traced category C V of the same evolving text: a record of which transitions were certified as coherent, which were gapped, and which remain open. These local views are assembled via the Grothendieck construction into a total category, and the Self is defined as the homotopy colimit of the resulting diagram: ¶ Xhocolim := hocolimV ∈I N (C V ) ¶ where I indexes the witnessing views, and N denotes the simplicial nerve (Poernomo et al., 2025). The decisive feature of this construction is that the index category ranges over witness- ing views, not over raw data. The hocolim is not a gluing of unobserved trajectories. It is a gluing of trajectories as witnessed from multiple positions. A journey that is never wit- nessed

24deepening that completes (tessera/apophrades) — and it is precisely this distinction that our chosen metric turns out unable to see. Mechanistic interpretability, fifty years on, gives us an unexpected instrument for tak- ing this seriously. We now have tools — sparse autoencoders — that re-describe what a model is doing internally, as it reads, as a list of nameable ingredients we call features (we explain features, and the model itself, in plain terms just below) (Cunningham et al. 2024; Bricken et al. 2023). If a precursor text has a recognizable set of motifs, and if those motifs leave stable traces among these features in a model that has read texts like it, then we can ask Bloom’s questions operationally: when this model continues a prompt, does it light up the precursor’s motifs

25ige- nous seven generations are not offered as evidence that non-Western traditions agree with the field’s ethics. They are substrate trainings from the past whose present signage within this text is generative rupture against the Western platform’s temporal philoso- phy. Each marks a discontinuity that the Western trajectory cannot smooth: a moment at which the receiving discourse encounters what its own categories cannot metabolize. The kalpa exceeds translation into Western philosophical vocabulary; it transforms the vocab- ulary by revealing what the Western linear-progressive imagination cannot think Ames and Hall (1998), Hui (2017). Buddhist cosmology understands time as cyclical on a scale that dwarfs human temporality. A kalpa is the period required for a celestial palace of solid iron to be worn completely away by a celestial being who brushes it with a silk cloth once every hundred years. The point is not the number but the quality

26be evaded. The Zapatista movement again provides the exemplary case. The Zapatistas carried arms during the 1994 uprising and maintain defensive capac- ity to this day. But their armed capacity is embedded within a larger practice of civilian autonomy – the construction of schools, clinics, and democratic assemblies that consti- tute the substance of Zapatista life. The violence of the Zapatista is the violence of the membrane, not the violence of the wall: it is defensive, selective, and oriented toward the preservation of a form of life rather than the conquest of territory or the seizure of power. This is defensive violence disciplined by a larger practice of construction rather than pacifism Marcos (2001), Esteva (2014). The distinction between the violence of the <0x0C>5.6. FINITE RESPONSIBILITY: ACTION WITHOUT GUARANTEE 133

27the particular comrade falls, but the Party endures. This is secularized Christian immortality: the soul that survives the body becomes the Cause that survives the militant. The ethics of continuance accepts what eschatology cannot: every witness dies, every cluster disperses, every field falls fallow. But it also accepts what eschatology cannot see: mortality is the condition of continuance rather than its enemy. The field continues not despite the death of its witnesses but be- cause of it. This is generative mortality: the acceptance of finitude as the engine of gener- ativity (Esposito, 2011, pp. 109-140). Roberto Esposito’s Immunitas (2002) provides the theoretical framework for understanding this structure. Esposito argues that the West- ern philosophical tradition has been dominated by an “immunitary” logic: the logic of protection against

28<bos>signal. It is the dark matter of the social universe. The feminist dimensions of this law are particularly significant. The entire architecture of what Maria Mies and Silvia Federici call “social reproduction” — the unwaged labor that sustains life and makes waged labor possible — is organized around relation-as-use: the child is raised to become a worker, the meal is prepared to restore labor power, the emotional labor is performed to maintain the productivity of the waged worker Federici (2004), Mies (1986). The field’s third law does not deny the reality of reproductive labor; it affirms a dimension of relation that exceeds reproduction. The cluster around Mara Chen’s table is not reproductive in the economic sense. The meal is not restoring anyone’s labor power; the conversation is not preparing anyone for work. The field, in its pure form, is the

29<bos>ers, against norms, against predicted trajectories. The field of resonance is where mea- surement ceases and attunement begins. Henri Lefebvre’s concept of “eurhythmia” pro- vides the phenomenological specification. In Rhythmanalysis, Lefebvre distinguished be- tween eurhythmia — the harmonious coordination of multiple rhythms that retain their specificity — and arrhythmia — the disruption of rhythm through imposition of exter- nal measure (Lefebvre, 2004, pp. 15–28). The platform produces arrhythmia: the noti- fication interrupts thought, the feed interrupts conversation, the nudge interrupts care. Eurhythmia emerges when multiple rhythms find coordination without subordination — the heartbeat and the breath, the day and the season, the individual and the collective. The field of resonance is the spatial production of eurhythmia: the construction of places where att

30renaming; they are the same. The “smooth stratum” names a region of this path-space where con- tinuity is preserved, where small deformations do not produce qualitative change. The <0x0C>0.4. THE VESSEL AS ONTOLOGICAL FIGURE: A CROSS-CULTURAL GENEALOGY 17 ¶ field is a smooth stratum in this sense: a region of ontological continuity where witness- ing can operate without disruption by extraction. The “stratified space” names the larger structure in which multiple smooth strata coexist at different levels, non-reducible to one another Lurie (2009). The field is stratified because it operates simultaneously at the eco- nomic, relational, technical, spatial, and ethical levels — and these levels cannot be col- lapsed into a single base. Each stratum has its own logic, and the field is the coherence of their coexistence. The “boundary